The leader of the Free Patriotic Movement is occupied with many files, the most important of which are administrative decentralization and the trust fund.
Such projects require significant effort and comprehensive studies, as they represent, in his opinion, a qualitative leap for the country. They are supposed to transcend political or sectarian conflicts.
This article is originally published in, translated from Lebanese newspaper al-Modon.
He suggests that he is trying to create a "new vision" for the country. This is a role that President Michel Aoun tried to establish after his election by declaring Lebanon as a space for intercultural dialogue.
This article is originally published in, translated from Lebanese newspaper Nidaa al-Watan.
Bassil seeks to build upon this and reinforce it with a set of reform laws and decisions that are necessary to save Lebanon from its crisis. Through these projects, he aims to move beyond the daily political details.
Bassil does not foresee any dramatic changes in the upcoming phase. He does not believe in the theory of rapid, comprehensive, and dramatic collapse, whether financially, economically, security-wise, or militarily.
The situation is expected to remain as it is, awaiting an agreement among different factions to reshape power in a balanced manner, supported by reform laws.
The country has reached its end, and the current formula is suffering. Due to the struggles of the formula, many voices emerge in the void, either calling for amending the sectarian distribution of power or the constitution, while others reject any alteration. It's worth noting that no one possesses a clear vision. In the absence of a viable alternative project that unites the Lebanese, there is no alternative to the Taef accord, which must be fortified with a reform package based on necessary consensus.
Directly, the statements of the leader of the Free Patriotic Movement indicate an evolution in his political approach, perhaps described as "political maturity." This is demonstrated through his balanced assessment of the country's situation and its political and geographical positioning. Thus, for him, there is no alternative to dialogue, moving away from the state of conflict or vertical division that contributes to fragmenting the nation's components.
He believes in the necessity of openness to all, whether in times of political differences with opposition forces, where he remains receptive and seeks common ground, or in times of presidential differences with Hezbollah, where communication continues. He indicates that dialogue with the party is positive and ongoing. After presenting his vision for reform, particularly administrative decentralization and the trust fund, the party's reaction was positive, opening a path for further discussions.
However, the fundamental question remains: Can this dialogue lead to the election of Sleiman Frangieh as president? Bassil believes that the issue is not about that. By approaching the issues in this manner, it signifies that some are still thinking according to the old formula as if matters are managed using the same old methods.
This logic is rejected by him. He emphasizes the need for a new approach not based on sectarian sharing or guarantees, nor on making electoral promises for the future. Instead, he aims for a new vision for Lebanon that can be saved through major reform projects. The approval of these projects represents a significant leap for the country. Matters related to guarantees, ministerial shares, and administrative positions are all in the past. He states that they had everything at one point, but they are not prepared to return to that.
The importance he attaches to these two essential issues outweighs all obstacles and details regarding the name of the president. If they commit to passing laws and do so clearly and unequivocally, while providing the necessary legal and legislative guarantees for their implementation, then there would be no hindrance to electing Frangieh. He is willing to do so in exchange for that, and he is ready to bear whatever costs, knowing that what would be achieved in return is far more significant.
There is no time for open dialogue between him and Hezbollah, and there are no indications of an imminent agreement. Realistically, in assessing the developments of the presidential files, he does not see the possibility of electing "Sleiman Frangieh and Joseph Aoun." The matter is not about reaching personal agreements with them. It is tied to the possibility of reaching a consensus among different factions on a president. Can this be achieved with external support? Will the five nations take action? After the Quint meeting in Doha, the decision was clear: to give the French envoy, Jean-Yves Le Drian, one last chance, awaited by the Lebanese. If an agreement is not reached, other actors might step in.
When asked about Qatar's role, he indicates that Qatar coordinates with the five nations. It's worth noting that Qatar does not commit itself to a single candidate but aims to achieve consensus among different factions.
Ultimately, a settlement must be reached according to the assessment of the leader of the Free Patriotic Movement. This requires internal and external conditions to be in place, as the country cannot continue like this.
External pressures might intensify, pushing local forces to reconsider their stances, especially amid talk of American pressures. However, the Lebanese should not wait for external intervention. What's more important is to focus on reconnecting with all components based on a new vision that restores balance among the Lebanese. This is what they tried to achieve in their agreement with Saad Hariri and the Future Movement, but for various reasons, the attempt did not succeed. Today, there is a need to create a new understanding between Christians and Muslims.