Tomorrow's Parliament presidential scene won't change in a way that results in the election of a new president. The session may experience a breach in the form of a message sent to Hezbollah by MP Gebran Bassil, the leader of the Free Patriotic Movement, in response to the message that the party sent to its ally by taking part in the previous cabinet meeting.
Other than that, there has been no change in the major parties' presidential stances. The "sovereign opposition" continues with the nomination of MP Michel Moawad," and "Hezbollah" is waiting for the right time to announce Sleiman Frangieh, the leader of the "Marada Movement", as its candidate.
Questions about the next move for the "sovereign opposition" arise in light of this deadlock and the inability to secure at least 65 votes for Moawad, particularly because Samir Geagea, the leader of the "Lebanese Forces" party, previously stated in response to a question that the "Lebanese Forces" do not object to the election of the army commander, Major General Joseph Aoun, to the presidency. Will the "Lebanese Forces" switch their allegiance from backing Moawad to the army commander? And when?
The "LF" will not give up on Moawad's candidacy and election, as they are still committed to their presidential plan.
It takes a different approach when it comes to supporting the army commander. The "LF" sources make it clear that their stance on electing the army chief as president was in response to a journalist's question; they did not declare their support for Major General Joseph Aoun's candidacy or pledge to fight for him to win the election. Instead, "we will be part of this consensus" if there is one to elect the army commander as president of the republic.
The army commander or any other person cannot be nominated by the "LF" because "we will run into the same issue, which is that we won't be able to secure 65 votes for him."
"We will support the candidate for whom we are confident we can garner 65 votes. The issue is not about naming someone and switching between candidates," according to LF sources.
"So, we don't give up on Moawad's candidacy. The goal is to support this candidate with "half plus one" and more. It serves no purpose to support him, as the 13 "change" deputies are doing, if we cannot give him this number of votes. While we chose the name Moawad because we believed we could win 65 votes for him, regardless of whether we would be successful due to the positions of the other opposition components, changing names undermines both our credibility and that of the candidates," the sources added.
The "LF" believes that the adoption of any candidate other than Moawad does not alter the presidential equation. There is no point in proposing any names as long as Hezbollah does not desire a president due to its differences.
When Hezbollah abandons its nomination of Frangieh and begins looking for other names, an intersection will occur on these names, including the name of the army commander. Only then will the army commander's ascension to the presidency be triumphant.
Since the election of the army commander as the republic's president will not occur without a dual internal and external agreement, which may include demands for "Hezbollah" or assurances to "protect the resistance," the "LF" will be then involved in the process of delivering a president who would consider the "party" and its role, or be constrained by its requirements.
The "LF," though, are not afraid of this possibility. According to its sources, "We have no complexes about remaining in the opposition and maintaining our political position. We look at the priority in the country rather than being afraid of anything. Our top priority is to reduce March 8's influence within the institutions, with the presidency taking the lead in this effort. This serves as our foundation."
"Additionally, the army commander can only become president with broad and widespread support. And if this is accomplished, the "LF" believe that "Hezbollah" has lost as soon as it gives up on its candidate and a new circumstance arises that leads everyone to a crossroads with a different name," the sources added.
Since Geagea announced that he did not oppose the army commander's accession to the presidency, some members of the "axis of resistance" are attempting to sow discord between the "Lebanese Forces" and the army commander by bringing up issues between the two parties that date back to the stage of the war and to promote that the army commander will settle distant issues with Geagea when he assumes the presidency.
The "LF" doesn't care about these "theories." The army commander would have conducted himself during the events of Tayouneh and their aftermath as the "party" desired if he had a problem with the "LF." Regarding going back to discussing the stages of the war, this mindset aims to "offend the army commander, the military institution, and the minds of the Lebanese, while the war ended 35 years ago, and most Lebanese are looking forward, not backward.”