Hezbollah, Amal stall presidential elections in a situation worse...

3^min

There are no common denominators between the country's conditions today with the current presidential vacuum and between 2014 and 2016 during the vacuum back then.

At that time, it was possible to understand Hezbollah's position and its moral commitment to its ally, General Michel Aoun, as its only candidate for the presidency. At that time, Aoun headed Parliament's largest parliamentary and Christian bloc.

Today, it is true that Amal and Hezbollah agree on one candidate, former MP Suleiman Frangieh; however, none of the other parties agreed with them on this nomination, especially the other Christian blocs and parties, whether they were allies or opponents.

Besides the political conditions, the country is witnessing one of the most unprecedented crises of its history.

Which president does the Amal-Hezbollah duo insist on? With what program and plan to save the country? How long can the two parties be patient in their stalling? Are they counting on the impatience of other powers to impose their candidate?

Can the monetary situation with the dollar exceeding 80 thousand Lira and the complete collapse of the national currency help the two parties push forward their preferred candidate?

In the presidential vacuum of 2014, the currency and the banking sector were acceptable, overcoming bumps through financial engineering, and the central bank had a reserve of more than 40 billion dollars. While today there are no banks or engineering, and the reserves have evaporated.

The judiciary situation is similar, with judicial chaos and barricades between judiciary members.

In 2014, the government was in place with full powers. Today, it is a resigned government that transcends the limits of caretaker affairs, causing more rifts between its PM and those supporting him and between the Christian forces led by Bkerke, which led to the suspension of its sessions after two ministerial sessions.

Today, the country is also passing through legislative paralysis after the opposition, and the FPM thwarted Speaker Berri's attempt to drag the deputies into legislation without a president. In 2014 all the blocs and forces agreed to go through "necessary legislation."

Only the security apparatuses are reliable, although the crisis has affected them, like all citizens. So are the Hezbollah and Amal duo betting on the ability of these agencies to maintain this fragile stability to achieve its goal of forcing others to elect their candidate, even after a long wait?